Philadelphia Tribune
Our tour starts just outside the Seventh Ward at 725 Sansom St outside the original publishing office of the Philadelphia Tribune. 139 years ago, Christopher J. Perry Jr, a 28 year old African American man started publishing a single page newspaper out of this building each week. Today, The Philadelphia Tribune is published 5 times a year and one of the major newspapers in the Philadelphia-metro area. At the time of Du Bois’ writing The Tribune was already a major fixture in the neighborhood and a weekly 8-page newspaper. Du Bois mentions it directly in the book, stating that:“The Philadelphia Tribune is the chief news sheet and is filled generally with social notes of all kinds, and news of movements among Negroes over the country. Its editorials are usually of little value chiefly because it does not employ a responsible editor. It is in many ways however an interesting paper and represents the pluck and perseverance on the part of its publisher.”Today, we see that this street has become a busy area known as Jewellers Row for the many jewelry shops along it.
Henry Minton House
Our second stop is the former home of Henry Minton. Henry Minton was one of the most wealthy and important caterers in Philadelphia from 1845-1875, and was also mentioned repeatedly in The Philadelphia Negro. He is recognized as one of the most prominent members of the catering industry, which was one of the best ways for a Black person at the time to gain wealth and some sense of upward mobility – a very rare thing at the time. Minton’s story started humbly, in Du Bois’ words: “Henry Minton came from Nansemond County, Virginia, at the age of nineteen, arriving in Philadelphia in 1830. He was first apprenticed to a shoemaker, then went into a hotel as a waiter. Finally he opened dining rooms at Fourth and Chestnut.”Minton being from outside Philadelphia was not uncommon, at the time of Du Bois’ writing, 45% of the Black population in the city had immigrated from outside of the city. Usually, it was a difficult life, Du Bois writes that: “The new immigrants usually settle in pretty well-defined localities in or near the slums, and thus get the worst pos sible introduction to city life. In 1848, five thousand of the 6600 immigrants lived in the narrow and filthy alleys of the city and Moyamensing.”However, catering did represent a way out of this difficult situation for a small number of Black people in the city. Du Bois elaborates on this in the book, focusing on how the monopoly that Black people had on home service, cooking, and some waitering could be transformed into the entrepreneurial activities of caterer and restaurateur. This fits into a larger theme Du Bois focuses on demonstrating the heterogeneity of Black people and their humanity. Describing and demonstrating how there were many different classes of Black people within the Seventh Ward was intended to show this. However, people have also criticized Du Bois' commentary on people in the lower classes, something that can even be seen in his description of the influence of caterers.“It was at this time that there arose to prominence and power as remarkable a trade guild as ever ruled in a medi aeval city. It took complete leadership of the bewildered group of Negroes, and led them steadily on to a degree of affluence, culture and respect such as has probably never been surpassed in the history of the Negro in America. This was the guild of the caterers, and its masters include names which have been household words in the city for fifty years : Bogle, Augustin, Prosser, Dorsey, Jones and Minton. “In highlighting the leadership of the caterers, Du Bois characterizes the rest of population as “bewildered.” This kind of language is repeated throughout and is one of the things that makes this work controversial.Another interesting note about this location is that it is now a construction site. Besides being a caterer, Minton was also an important abolitionist who used his house as a stop on the Underground Railroad. It was considered for the historic landmark status in 2019 and recommended by the Committee on Historic Designation, however, it was then rejected by the Historical Commission. In 2021, it was demolished. This raises important questions about how and what we should be preserving. Minton represented multiple significant pieces of history, and his house was one of a few known Underground Railroad sites. Even if its use was going to change – at the time of demolishment it was a gym – should the building and facade remain instead of being demolished? Thinking back to our first stop, we see the same issue, a new building stands in the place of a potentially historic one. As we continue the tour, think about the ways the neighborhood has changed from what it once was, why that change is occurred, and whether/how it should be remembered.
12th and Locust
This site is a really interesting spot. In 1890, it was rented by Reverend Christian of Shiloh Baptist Church and Christopher Perry Jr. (our friend from the Philadelphia Tribune in the first stop) during a strike by Russian-Jewish cloakmakers. They had convinced the Blum Brothers, one of the leading manufacturers, to hire black women to break the strike. They rented this house to house newly employed workers who needed a place to stay, Perry had reportedly been housing more than a hundred in his own home prior to this. There was exceeding interest in these positions. However, the strike broke shortly after, and the original women returned to their positions. This demonstrates a couple interesting things about the city at this time. In particular, it shows the difficult position that Black people found themselves in in relation to unions and the labor movement. Frequently, they were excluded from both certain forms of employment, and, when they were allowed to work in a certain job, they would be excluded from the related unions if they were available. Thus, though many Black leaders wanted to engage in labor movements, frequently the biggest gains for Black people came through acting as scabs during strikes. The antagonistic relationship between unions and Black workers can be seen from a story about the street car workers. In 1898, the Philadelphia and West Chester Street Care Company hired two black workers. The other workers organized a two week strike in response, which ended up getting the two fired. A second important point made here is the role of Black women in the labor industry. Du Bois discusses throughout the book how women worked regularly, stating:“All the forces that are impelling white women to become breadwinners, are emphasized in the case of Negro women: their chances of marriage are decreased by the low wages of the men and the large excess of their own sex in the great cities; they must work, and if there are few chances open they must suffer competition in wages.” Thus we see how so many women would jump at the opportunity to enter a new line of work, leading to the exceeding interest in the cloakmaking opportunities, and the renting of this building.
Mutual Aid Societies and Banks - 15th and 16th and Lombard
Our next stop combines three Black-owned banks and mutual aid societies: the Keystone Aid Society, the Reliable Mutual Aid Society, and the People’s Savings Bank. Keystone and Reliable followed in the footsteps of other mutual aid societies, like the Free African Society, founded in Philadelphia in 1787, which was one of the first in the country. Keystone was founded by John Asbury in 1902 and served as an industrial insurance company for black workers. Asbury was an influential member of the community who also served as City Solicitor during his time in Philly. He even used his wealth to help re-inter displaced remains of Black Residents at Lebanon Cemetery. This was a segregated cemetery built in what is now South Philadelphia. As the city expanded, the remains were threatened, but Asbury’s work helped to protect the remains by moving them to another cemetery further outside of the city. Mutual aid societies are representative of many of the social ties that were present in the Black community, as described in “The Philadelphia Negro,” with Du Bois writing:“[This account] shows, however, how intimately bound together the Negroes of Philadelphia are. These associations are largely experiments, and as such, are continually reaching out to new fields. The latest ventures are towards labor unions, co-operative stores, and newspapers. There are the following labor unions, among others: The Caterers’ Club, the Private Waiters’ Association, the Coachmen’s Association, the Hotel Brotherhood (of waiters), the Cigarmakers’ Union (white and colored), the Hod-Carriers’ Union, the Barbers’ Union, etc.”Even though, as described at the last stop, Black workers were excluded from white unions and associations, they created many of their own in the major work that they had. Keystone, as an industrial insurance company served this same population of Black workers. Du Bois speaks more specifically about aid societies, stating that:“There is arising also a considerable number of insurance societies, differing from the beneficial in being conducted by directors. The best of these are the Crucifixion connected with the Church of the Crucifixion, and the Avery, connected with Wesley A.M.E.Z. Church; both have a large membership and are well conducted. Nearly every church is beginning to organize one or more such societies…Some of these are honest efforts and some are swindling imitations of the pernicious white petty insurance societies.”
Tenement Collapse
In front of us here is a parking lot. The portion of this lot from Naudain to Rodman has remained vacant (or parking lot) for the last 90 years. The remaining area in the parking lot was cleared sometime after 1960, possibly as a part of urban renewal projects in Philadelphia. The first clearing, in 1930s, occurred shortly after a tenement collapse on the location. Tenements had been a widespread feature in the neighborhood for a long time, including during Du Bois’ fieldwork. He wrote about the conditions in them, stating that:“The back tenements thus formed rent usually for from $7-$9 a month, and sometimes for more. They consist of three rooms one above the other, small, poorly lighted and poorly ventilated. The inhabitants of the alley are at the mercy of its worst tenants; here policy shops abound, prostitutes ply their trade, and criminals hide…these tenement abominations of Philadelphia are perhaps better than the vast tenement houses of New York, but they are bad enough, and cry for reform in housing”These apartments were dangerous and run-down, as Du Bois’ points out. However, many had to live in them, as even the $7-9 they paid might have been a significant portion of their income. Du Bois describes significant pressure from rent, with people paying far more than would be normally expected on their rent. He says: “The rents paid by the Negros are without doubt far above their means and often from one-fourth to three-fourths of the total income of a family goes in rent. This leads to much non-payment of rent both intentional and unintentional, to frequent shifting of homes, and above all to stinting the families in many necessities of life in order to live in respectable dwellings. Many a Negro family eats less than it ought for the sake of living in a decent house.”But as is the case throughout the book, he doesn’t just stop at observing the conditions present, but seeks to explain them thoroughly. However, this is also where he tends to lean into certain stereotypes that have earned him critics. The first reason he gives is “sheer ignorance and carelessness,” playing into common stereotypes of the day. However, he follows this up by saying that “there are three causes of even greater importance: these are the limited localities where Negroes may rent, the peculiar connection of dwelling and occupation among Negroes and the social organization of the Negro.” By limited localities, Du Bois is referencing the segregation based on race by white property owners. The peculiar connection is that Black workers frequently worked in wealthy people’s homes, and because of this had to live close to the wealthy. And lastly by social organization he meant that the social centers of Black life in Philadelphia were located in the Seventh ward, and thus made it difficult for people to move away while maintaining the social fabric of their life. Du Bois writes that:“The life of the Negroes of the city has for years centered in the Seventh Ward; here are the old churches, St. Thomas, Bethel, Central, Shiloh, and Wesley; here are the halls of the secret societies; here are the homesteads of old families. To a race socially ostracized it means far more to move to remote parts of a city, than to those who will in any part of the city easily form congenial acquaintances and new ties.”In this way, Du Bois makes a clear argument for social change, but at the same time individualizes the problems that Black people face to be their fault. It is possible that given the audience that he was writing for academics, he felt that had to make certain concessions to retain readers and make people open to his more radical arguments. However, it is also possible that he did harbor certain frustrations with the actions, or perceived actions, of some Black people in Philadelphia.The final quote, about movement in the city, is particularly important to this site, as, when you look around, you see that the housing that was here, even if it was substandard, was not replaced with new housing. Instead, many of the displaced people had to move elsewhere in the city, often to West or North Philadelphia. The disruption of these institutions, some of which survived, many of which didn’t, and the communities they served likely had a significant effect on people’s experiences in other parts of the city. How did this former tenement become a parking lot? Why did it remain that way? How could the city have replaced the tenement in a more productive manner? These are all questions to think about. Of course tenements are an inappropriate way to house people, but removing housing in certain neighborhoods all together is likely not the right answer.
Douglass Hospital
This corner is the site of the first Black-run hospital in Philadelphia, the second in the United States. Established in 1895, this hospital also housed a nursing school. Du Bois commented at length on this institution:“The Douglass Memorial Hospital and training School is a curious example of the difficult position of Negroes: for years nearly every hospital in Philadelphia has sought to exclude Negro women from the course in nurse-training and so no Negro physician could have the advantage of a hospital practice. This led to a movement for a Nego hospital; such a movement however was condemned by the whites as an unnecessary addition to a bewildering number of charitable institutions; by many of the best Negroes as a concession to prejudice and a drawing of the color line. Nevertheless the promoters insisted that colored nurses were efficient and needed training, that colored physicians needed a hospital, and that colored patients wished one. Consequently the Douglass Hospital has been established and its success seems to warrant the effort.”Here we see more focus on the difficult position that Black Philadelphians were put in by the segregation and racism they faced. This is, of course, a major theme for Du Bois. His focus on not just the conditions that Black people found themselves in, but a clear historical and contemporary description of the cause of those conditions, was unique in academic work for that time. Not only was the hospital used to treat patients, but it also trained Black nurses. Penn has extensive archives on the nurses trained over a number of years, including the image and report shown below.As we talked about before, there were many challenges of finding work in Philadelphia as a Black woman made this an extremely important effort on the part of the people who started it. In addition, the Douglass Hospital operated on a similar model to safety net hospitals today, never turning away anyone because of color or because they were too poor to pay. However, this was also a difficult model to maintain, and the hospital ran into financial difficulties. They combined with another Black-owned hospital that opened shortly after it that we will see as we walk down this block, the Mercy Hospital. It also moved to West Philadelphia in 1919, moving into a former school building at 50th and Woodland. In 1948, the two hospitals merged due to continued difficult finances. A 1951 history of the buildings stated that this “satisfactorily” dealt with the issues each was having, but by the 1970s the hospital had closed.
Colored Women’s Christian Association
The CWCA opened just outside the Seventh Ward at 1508 Catharine St, and appeared to operate in that location until the 1930s. This is one of the few organizations highlighted here (along with the Christian Recorder and the Philadelphia Tribune) that is still in continuous operation, though under a different name. Today, the CWCA has become the South Belmont Community Association, and is located in a different place. This change in location, moving to West Philadelphia, follows the demographic shifts that took place around the same time, with the move occurring in the 1930s. As you might remember from the tenement stop, this was around the time housing reform and changes in the neighborhood were increasing, showing how this change in community caused disruption or movement in the institutions. Many prominent people hosted events here and the National Negro Congress was hosted in the 1930s as well. Du Bois does not address the CWCA directly in ‘The Philadelphia Negro’, but he does discuss the YMCA, stating that“The Young Men’s Christian Association has had a checkered history, chiefly as it would seem from the wrong policy pursued; there is in the city a grave and dangerous lack of proper places of amusement and recreation for young men. To fill this need a properly conducted Young Men’s Christian Association, with books and newspapers, baths, bowling alleys and billiard tables, conversation rooms and short interesting religious services is demanded; it would cost far less than it now costs the courts to punish the petty misdemeanors of young men who do not know how to amuse themselves. Instead of such an institution however the Colored YMCA has been virtually an attempt to add another church to the numberless colored churches of the city, with endless prayer-meetings and loud gospel hymns, in dingy and uninviting quarters. Consequently the institution is now temporarily suspended. It had accomplished some good work by its night schools, and social meetings.”Perhaps the CWCA was more effective than the CYMCA, as it would seem from its longevity.
Institute for Colored Youth
The Institute for Colored Youth is one of the more famous stops on our tour, with a number of famous graduates and teachers. It was founded in 1837 with funds from Richard Humphreys, as Du Bois explains in ‘The Philadelphia Negro’:The Institute for Colored Youth was founded by Richard Humphreys, a West Indian ex-slaveholder, who lived in Philadelphia. On his death, in 1832, he bequeathed the sum of $10,000 to the Friends, to found an institution, “having for its object the benevolent design of instructing the descendants of the African race in school learning, in the various branches of the mechanic arts and trades, and in agriculture, in order to prepare, fit and qualify them to act as teachers.”At first it was located outside of the city, but relocated to the current location in 1866 with additional funding. Richard Humphreys is primarily remembered today as a Quaker and abolitionist, but it is interesting that in this quote Du Bois highlights his role as a former slaveholder. He was born on the island of Tortola (today an island in the British Virgin Islands) to slave-holding parents. At a young age, he went to Philadelphia to apprentice as a goldsmith and silversmith. Thus, while it seems he wasn’t a direct slaveowner for most (if any) of his adult life, it is still interesting that he certainly benefited directly from it in his childhood. In 1866, at the same time as its relocation, Fanny Jackson Coppin was hired as the head of the girls’ departments while Octavius Catto was head of the boys’ department. They developed the school significantly into a very well respected institution of higher education at a time when schooling was overwhelmingly segregated and black youth and very few such opportunities. The school, in Humphreys’ vision, focused on teacher training, but also prepared students for many other roles. While the Institute for Colored Youth is, today, the best known of the schools for Black students at the time and was the only non-primary school staffed by black Teachers. However, also Du Bois highlights numerous public primary schools both in the Ward and elsewhere in the city, many of which had even larger enrollment than the Institute for Colored Youth. See the images below for the lists of public (left) and charity (right) schools at the time, with their enrollments.The school at this location was closed shortly after the writing of ‘The Philadelphia Negro’ in 1902 but was re-opened later as Cheyney University, which continues to exist as an HBCU in Pennsylvania. The building you see in front of you is actually condominiums now.
Home for the Homeless and the Bainbridge Street University Extension Center
Here, we are standing outside the Church of the Crucifixion’s Parish Hall. This building housed two interesting community efforts that Du Bois highlights in the book, saying.“The Home for the Homeless is a refuge and home for the aged connected with the Church of the Crucifixion. It is supported largely by whites but not entirely. It has an income of about $500. During 1896, 1108 lodgings were furnished to ninety women, 8384 meals given to inmates, 2705 to temporary lodgers, 2078 to transients, and 812 to invalids.”In addition, lectures were given as part of the Bainbridge Street University Extension Centre, which was formed in 1895. There is very little information on this site in particular, but Du Bois discusses it in his book, describing:“Since the organization of the Bainbridge Street University Extension Centre, May 10, 1895, lectures have been delivered at the Church of the Crucifixion, Eighth and Bainbridge streets, by Rev. W. Hudson Shaw, on English History; by Thomas Whitney Surette, on the Development of Music; by Henry W. Elson, on American History, and by Hilaire Belloc, on Napoleon. Each of these lecturers, except Mr. Belloc, has given a course of six lectures on the subject stated, and classes have been held in connection with each course. The attendance has been above average as compared with other Centres in the city.”As Du Bois indicates, this kind of school or lectures for the public was not isolated. In fact, the Institute for Colored Youth also offered classes to the general community, and not just their own students. These courses often took on different topics, with the most popular often being focused on hard skills for use in industrial settings. The lectures offered here certainly demonstrate the range available, however, with music, english, and history all offered.
Boycott of South St. Businesses
Here, we stand at the corner of 7th and South St, a major commercial corridor today and in Du Bois’ time. As I mentioned earlier in our tour, there were a lot of community building within the black community at this time and also a lot of organizing, forming unions where possible, mutual aid societies, or other institutions. In 1916, a major action took place here on South St that shows this level of organization. At this time, the black community held a “mass-meeting” at the Allen A.M.E Church at 17th and Bainbridge. At this meeting, they discussed complaints related to white-owned businesses on South St pushing for the removal of Black people from the police-force, as well as price-gouging and unfair treatment of Black customers. The boycott lasted months, though in the end it was not exceedingly successful in achieving its aims. One thing this difficulty of exerting influence through collective action might indicate is the heterogeneity of the neighborhood. At this time, the Black community was mixed in with immigrant and native-born White people in the same neighborhood, largely because they had to be proximal to their work. Thus, these businesses might not have relied solely on the Black customers who were boycotting. However, one thing that this boycott did do is continue to spur efforts towards economic self-sufficiency of the community. This is the same effort that led to mutual aid societies and banks being formed. Black people, despite the prejudice and systemic racism leveled against them, acted as citymakers in their own right and organized to improve their conditions. Du Bois noted and supported these efforts (though not without showing some if his own biases yet again), saying that:“Looking back over the field which we have thus reviewed – the churches, societies, unions, attempts at business cooperation, institutions, and newspapers – it is apparent that the largest hope for the ultimate rise of the Negro lies in this mastery of the art of social organized life. To be sure, compared with his neighbors, he has yet advanced but a short distance; we are apt to condemn this lack of unity, the absence of carefully planned and laboriously executed effort among these people, as a voluntary omission – a bit of carelessness. It is far more than this, it is lack of social education, of group training, and the lack can only be supplied by a long, slow process of growth. And the chief value of the organizations studies is that they are evidences of growth. Of actual accomplishment they have, to be sure, something to show, but nothing to boast of inordinately…And yet all these and the other agencies have accomplished much, and their greatest accomplishment is stimulation of effort to further and more effective organization among a disorganized and headless host….The present efforts of Negroes in working together along various lines are peculiarly promising for the future of both races.”
